Youth civic engagement in New Brunswick is at a crossroads. In contrast to being stereotypically labelled as indifferent or disengaged, young people across the province are trying to be involved, albeit their engagement is typically being eroded or overlooked. Civic involvement has long been synonymous with voting, attending council meetings, or party membership. Yet such a narrow definition overlooks the immense scope of activity in which young people can engage: anything from social media and grassroots movements to volunteering, mutual aid, and informal leadership within the community. It is worth understanding what motivates or dissuades youth participation, particularly for those organizations like Young Politicians of Canada (YPC) who seek to empower youth voice and representation across the country. This report utilizes the experience and knowledge of Samuel Hyde, Student Representative Council President at the University of New Brunswick Saint John (UNBSJ). It couples his knowledge with local realities to analyze the state of youth engagement in New Brunswick, identify areas of strength and challenge, and make practical recommendations for building an inclusive civic environment.

Himanshu Sharma/Submitted

Youth participation in the formal democratic process of New Brunswick mirrors that of across Canada, where the 18–24 age group consistently has the lowest voter turnout rate among all age segments. Less than half of those eligible to vote in this category participated in the most recent provincial election, Elections New Brunswick reveals. Instead of being taken as an indicator of apathy, the reality is far more nuanced. Socioeconomic stress, lack of civic education, and distrust of political institutions all contribute to the low numbers. Youth are often engaged in issue-based initiatives or neighbourhood activities that don’t fall into the typical measures of civic engagement. These activities are authentic, legitimate, and functional. As New Brunswick struggles to cope with demographic issues, youth outmigration, and political polarization, civic empowerment of young people is both needed and imperative.

Samuel Hyde’s tenure as director of UNB Saint John provides an insider’s perspective on the civic realities faced by youth in the province. He dispels the stereotype that youth don’t care. “People don’t get involved because they don’t think their voice matters,” he states. That sense of helplessness is a fundamental barrier to youth participation. If young people believe that their effort and time will never yield visible outcomes, they will not be motivated to participate through conventional channels. Hyde further observes that student-initiated and local government institutions—technically open to all—are often effectively closed. Processes are not transparent, guidance is scarce, and engagement is easily taken over by more dominant, privileged, or experienced individuals who understand how to utilize institutional spaces. This is especially pressing for marginalized youth, including newcomer youth, racialized youth, and rural youth, who may not recognize themselves reflected in civic spaces or feel comfortable there.

One of Hyde’s central points is how to define civic engagement. He focuses on how youth leadership and activism can differ in many ways, such as organizing a protest, a community donation drive, or a rideshare initiative. “If a student plans a protest or helps feed people who are hungry, that’s civic action,” he explains. “But we don’t always refer to it as that.” Identifying these various contributions can be helpful in several ways. It enables us to more accurately account for youth realities and legitimize their activities as authentic civic engagement. Mainstream political institutions must adapt to these new norms if they are to participate meaningfully and empower young people effectively.

Online resources have transformed the way young people communicate, mobilize, and share their opinions — but they also pose problems. According to Hyde, sites such as Instagram and TikTok have become central mobilization tools for students. “More student mobilization has occurred through Instagram stories than through posters or announcements,” he says. The rapidity, breadth, and visual character of online resources make them perfect for disseminating information and establishing a community rapidly. But digital exhaustion is not. Hyde says that a simple quantity of content can desensitize learners or make calls to action beneath it. “Posting is not enough,” he argues. “There needs to be room to follow up that momentum with something substantive.” That is, social media pushes need to be followed by real-world engagement areas to maintain interest.

Beyond digital and definitional issues, youth in New Brunswick face actual structural impediments. Access to civic information is disproportionate, especially outside of cities. Rural youth are often far from advocacy organizations, public spaces, or volunteer networks. Isolation resists exposure to civic life and reduces the prospect of acquiring a public voice. Civic education within schools is also limited in quality and relevance. Most young people are entering adulthood without any understanding of how municipal or provincial governments work, let alone how to influence them.

Economic exclusions compound the problem. Exorbitant tuition fees, a lack of employment opportunities, and increasing housing insecurity means that survival often takes precedence over citizenship for many young people. Time poverty, created by competing pressures to work, study, and care for family, makes attending council meetings, writing letters to representatives, and campaigning feel like chores.

Linguistic and cultural barriers persist. Inclusive strategies for engagement must reach both Francophone and Anglophone youth in New Brunswick, as the province is bilingual. Other challenges Indigenous and immigrant youth experience are discrimination, representation, and having access to civic engagement activities that are culturally meaningful. Hyde states that youth invited to forums or working committees may not reflect society at large because they are likely to be already involved, self-assured, or institutionalized. This is a self-perpetuating cycle in which members of the same small group are regularly sought out for input, while others are not. Another issue is tokenism, whereby youth are brought to the table symbolically and not necessarily provided with significant roles or authority. Cynicism and long-term disengagement can follow such experiences.

Despite these numerous barriers, New Brunswick youth possess immense civic potential. Hyde underscores the strength of informal networks and peer-to-peer leadership. “Students build community with small acts of care — sharing food, coordinating rides, checking in on each other. That’s leadership,” he says. Where institutions are breaking down, youth are filling the gaps. Student activism around mental health, equity, and climate change shows that youth are not disenfranchised — they are tuning in on other frequencies. Colleges and community organizations can harness this power by fostering inclusive environments, cultivating leadership, and collaborating on projects that amplify the voices of young people.

In addition to further facilitating New Brunswick youth civic participation, organizations like YPC and provincial policymakers must shift in different directions. Civic education must be reimagined. That is, transcending school curricula and creating participatory, inclusive learning experiences that engage with government institutions, public policy, and activism. Community member-led workshops, civic boot camps, and teach-ins have the potential to bring civic processes within reach and facilitate the building of youth confidence.

Second, governments must establish youth liaison posts at the municipal and provincial levels. These would serve as a link between youth and institutions, allowing them to listen to their issues and respond accordingly.

Third, funding for youth projects needs to be made accessible. Micro-grants to grassroots-level projects, ease of application, and transparency in the selection process are some steps that can be taken to improve the process.

Fourth, online activism is serious business. Governments and civil society can ensure that they support young people taking online campaigns to the streets by putting their efforts in the spotlight, providing digital literacy training, and connecting them to offline initiatives.

Fifth, engagement strategies that bring forward youth in addressing current pressing issues need to be creative and more inclusive, so that more youth can participate. This will involve providing materials and programming in both English and French, and working deliberately with Indigenous and immigrant youth, not just those who are already engaged.

Sixth, leadership and mentorship roles are essential. Connecting youth to civic leaders, offering coaching, and certification of informal leadership have long-term impacts. Finally, hybrid models of engagement — both online and offline — are well-positioned to engage youth where they reside, offering multiple points of entry for participation.

Himanshu Sharma/Submitted

In short, New Brunswick youth civic engagement is not passive or nonexistent — it is varied, engaged, and rapidly expanding. Samuel Hyde’s reflections highlight the need to recognize current youth participation, often in more unconventional frameworks. We must redefine, cultivate, and reward participation to unlock the maximum civic potential of New Brunswick’s youth. That means developing inclusive, responsive, and youth-driven systems that validate their voice; build their capacity; and open the way for them to lead. For organizations such as YPC, the message is clear: youth care deeply. Now, systems and institutions must care back — with investment, representation, and actual power.